8
Of
Those Who Have Attained
the Position of Prince by Villainy
But
as there are still two ways of becoming prince which cannot be attributed
entirely either to fortune or to ability, they must not be passed over,
although one of them could be more fully discussed if we were treating of
republics. These are when one becomes prince by some nefarious or
villainous means, or when a private citizen becomes the prince of his
country through the favour of his fellow-citizens. And in speaking of the
former means, I will give two examples, one ancient, the other modern,
without entering further into the merits of this method, as I judge them
to be sufficient for any one obliged to imitate them.
Agathocles
the Sicilian rose not only from private life but from the lowest and most
abject position to be King of Syracuse. The son of a potter, he led a life
of the utmost wickedness through all the stages of his fortune.
Nevertheless, his wickedness was accompanied by such vigour of mind and
body that, having joined the militia, he rose through its ranks to be prætor
of Syracuse. Having been appointed to this position, and having decided to
become prince, and to hold with violence and without the support of others
that which had been constitutionally granted him; and having imparted his
design to Hamilcar the Carthaginian, who was fighting with his armies in
Sicily, he called together one morning the people and senate of Syracuse,
as if he had to deliberate on matters of importance to the republic, and
at a given signal had all the senators and the richest men of the people
killed by his soldiers. After their death he occupied and held rule over
the city without any civil strife. And although he was twice beaten by the
Carthaginians and ultimately besieged, he was able not only to defend the
city, but leaving a portion of his forces for its defense, with the
remainder he invaded Africa, and in a short time liberated Syracuse from
the siege and brought the Carthaginians to great extremities, so that they
were obliged to come to terms with him, and remain contented with the
possession of Africa, leaving Sicily to Agathocles. Whoever considers,
therefore, the actions and qualities of this man, will see few if any
things which can be attributed to fortune; for, as above stated, it was
not by the favour of any person, but through the grades of the militia, in
which he had advanced with a thousand hardships and perils, that he
arrived at the position of prince, which he afterwards maintained by so
many courageous and perilous expedients. It cannot be called virtue to
kill one’s fellow-citizens, betray one’s friends, be without faith,
without pity, and without religion; by these methods one may indeed gain
power, but not glory. For if the virtues of Agathocles in braving and
overcoming perils, and his greatness of soul in supporting and surmounting
obstacles be considered, one sees no reason for holding him inferior to
any of the most renowned captains. Nevertheless his barbarous cruelty and
inhumanity, together with his countless atrocities, do not permit of his
being named among the most famous men. We cannot attribute to fortune or
virtue that which he achieved without either.
In
our own times, during the pontificate of Alexander VI, Oliverotto da Fermo
had been left as a young fatherless boy under the care of his maternal
uncle, Giovanni Fogliani, who brought him up, and sent him in early youth
to soldier under Paolo Vitelli, in order that he might, trained in that
hard school, obtain a good military position. On the death of Paolo he
fought under his brother Vitellozzo, and in a very short time, being of
great intelligence, and active in mind and body, he became one of the
leaders of his troops. But deeming it servile to be under others, he
resolved, with the help of some citizens of Fermo, who preferred servitude
to the liberty of their country, and with the favour of the Vitelli, to
occupy Fermo; he therefore wrote to Giovanni Fogliani, how, having been
for many years away from home, he wished to come to see him and his city,
and as far as possible to inspect his estates. And as he had only laboured
to gain honour, in order that his fellow-citizens might see that he had
not spent his time in vain, he wished to come honourably accompanied by
one hundred horsemen, his friends and followers, and prayed him that he
would be pleased to order that he should be received with honour by the
citizens of Fermo, by which he would honour not only him, Oliverotto, but
also himself, as he had been his pupil. Giovanni did not fail in any due
courtesy towards his nephew; he caused him to be honourably received by
the people of Fermo, and lodged him in his own house. After waiting some
days to arrange all that was necessary to his villainous projects,
Oliverotto invited Giovanni Fogliani and all the principal men of Fermo to
a grand banquet. After the dinner and the entertainments usual at such
feasts, Oliverotto artfully , introduced certain important matters of
discussion, speaking of the greatness of Pope Alexander, and of his son
Cesare, and of their enterprises. To which discourses Giovanni and others
having replied, he all at once rose, saying that these matters should be
spoken of in a more private place, and withdrew into a room where Giovanni
and the other citizens followed him. They were no sooner seated than
soldiers rushed out of hiding-places and killed Giovanni and all the
others. After which massacre Oliverotto mounted his horse, rode through
the town and besieged the chief magistrate in his place, so that through
fear they were obliged to obey him and form a government, of which he made
himself prince. And all those being dead who, if discontented, could
injure him, he fortified himself with new orders, civil and military, in
such a way that within the year that he held the principality he was not
only safe himself in the city of Fermo, but had become formidable to all
his neighbours. And his overthrow would have been difficult, like that of
Agathocles, if he had not allowed himself to be deceived by Cesare Borgia,
when he captured the Orsini and Vitelli at Sinigaglia, as already related,
where he also was taken, one year after the parricide he had committed,
and strangled, together with Vitellozzo, who had been his teacher in
ability and atrocity.
Some
may wonder how it came about that Agathocles, and others like him, could,
after infinite treachery and cruelty, live secure for many years in their
country and defend themselves from external enemies without being
conspired against by their subjects; although many others have, owing to
their cruelty, been unable to maintain their position in times of peace,
not to speak of the uncertain times of war. I believe this arises from the
cruelties being exploited well or badly. Well committed may be called
those (if it is permissible to use the word well of evil) which are
perpetrated once for the need of securing one’s self, and which
afterwards are not persisted in, but are exchanged for measures as useful
to the subjects as possible. Cruelties ill committed are those which,
although at first few, increase rather than diminish with time. Those who
follow the former method may remedy in some measure their condition, both
with God and man; as did Agathocles. As to the others, it is impossible
for them to maintain themselves.
Whence
it is to be noted, that in taking a state the conqueror must arrange to
commit all his cruelties at once, so as not to have to recur to them every
day, and 80 as to be able, by not making fresh changes, to reassure people
and win them over by benefiting them. Whoever acts otherwise, either
through timidity or bad counsel, is always obliged to stand with knife in
hand, and can never depend on his subjects, because they, owing to
continually fresh injuries, are unable to depend upon him. For injuries
should be done all together, so that being less tasted, they will give
less offence. Benefits should be granted little by little, so that they
may be better enjoyed. And above all, a prince must live with his subjects
in such a way that no accident of good or evil fortune can deflect him
from his course; for necessity arising in adverse times, you are not in
time with severity, and the good that you do does not profit, as it is
judged to be forced upon you, and you will derive no benefit whatever from
it.
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